Tag Archives: emails

'Found my emails': Hillary Clinton flips through her emails at an Italian art exhibit

'Found my emails': Hillary Clinton flips through her emails at an Italian art exhibitThe former Democratic presidential candidate flipped through thousands of her emails at the art exhibit in Venice, Italy. Afterward, Clinton told an Italian media outlet: "And anyone can go in and look at them — there's nothing there."



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Emails Show McCabe Scrambling to Handle Stories About Hillary Probe

Emails Show McCabe Scrambling to Handle Stories About Hillary ProbeAlex Wong/GettyFor months, a huge question has hovered over Washington’s legal community: Would the Justice Department charge former acting FBI director Andrew McCabe with a crime? In the wake of a New York Times report that his lawyers met with the deputy attorney general about the DOJ’s investigation of McCabe, many suspect charges could be coming. And the D.C. U.S. Attorney’s Office has scrutinized allegations that McCabe was not candid with FBI investigators about his role in a news story concerning the FBI’s probe into the Clinton Foundation. Now, emails reviewed by The Daily Beast cast additional light on the circumstances that preceded McCabe’s firing from the FBI. They show that one FBI official felt the need to clarify to then-Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein that the FBI’s internal investigation into McCabe’s behavior wasn’t being slow-walked. And they show that former director of national intelligence James Clapper urged FBI Director Chris Wray to shield McCabe from being fired. They also show that in the weeks before the 2016 presidential election, McCabe shared more information about his media contacts with then-FBI Director James Comey than was previously known. McCabe has sued the Justice Department over his firing. The issues these emails shed light on—whether he deserved to be fired and whether the FBI handled the decision correctly—are sure to be front and center if the lawsuit goes to trial. Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW), a government watchdog group, obtained the emails through FOIA litigation and shared them with The Daily Beast. They are also available in the FBI’s FOIA vault. CREW’s litigation is ongoing. Some of the emails in the tranche cast light on the FBI’s scramble to deal with media coverage in the final days of the 2016 presidential campaign. On Oct. 21, 2016, McCabe sent Comey an email with the subject line “Updates.” Copied on the email were James Rybicki, who was then Comey’s chief of staff, and David Bowdich, who was then associate deputy director of the FBI. McCabe opened with an update on a cyberattack. He then turned to the subject of media. “In the more bad news category, Mike K informed me that Devlin Barrett at WSJ is putting together an article claiming I had a conflict of interest on MYR as a result of Jill’s campaign connections to Gov. McCaulife [sic],” McCabe wrote, referring to then-Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe. “I will work with mike to provide some basic facts to push back. And, as always, will keep you advised. I am incredibly sorry for adding to the drama on this.” “Mike K” referred to Mike Kortan, then the FBI’s public affairs chief. “MYR” referred to Midyear, the FBI’s nickname for its investigation of Hillary Clinton’s use of a private email server when she was secretary of state. “Outstanding,” Comey replied to McCabe. “Don’t sweat it.”Two days later, McCabe updated Comey and Rybicki on his participation in the then-forthcoming Wall Street Journal story. “Not too much in the update,” he wrote. “The only additional notable news is that Mike K and I spent a good part of the day trying to shape the WSJ story on my alleged conflict,” he wrote. “Looks like they may try to release it on line tonight. The reporter also called Jill for a comment, so we are working that as well.”The Justice Department Inspector General did not mention the emails in his damning report on McCabe, which focused on his role in a second Wall Street Journal story. The report alleged that McCabe lacked candor when he told FBI investigators about how the Journal obtained information about the Bureau’s internal deliberations for that second story. One issue has been whether McCabe told Comey about his participation in that story; McCabe has said he did, but Comey has said he has no recollection of McCabe making the disclosure to him. McCabe’s lawyers, meanwhile, argue that the Inspector General’s report is seriously flawed. Scrutiny of McCabe’s work at the FBI grew over the following two years, with congressional Republicans and the president calling for McCabe to be fired and punished. But McCabe also had defenders. Clapper—who has also become a target of the president—sent a handwritten letter to FBI Director Chris Wray on Feb. 25, 2018, praising McCabe and calling for Wray to intercede on his behalf. That letter is in the tranche of documents CREW obtained. In it, Clapper called the criticism of McCabe “completely unjustified and profoundly unfair.” “We often appeared as witnesses together at Congressional hearings, where, as you also know, ‘bonds’ with fellow witnesses can quickly form,” he wrote. “I came to know and rely on Andy as steady, straightforward, candid, forthright, and honest.” He also praised McCabe for his “sharp intellect, insightful wisdom, unwavering commitment to the mission, self-effacing humility, staunch devotion to the men and women of the Bureau, and, importantly, his impeccable integrity.” “I would hope you will consider my observations, which I know are shared uniformly by virtually everyone who knows Andy, and will use your influential voice to insure he is able to complete his career and retire after his 21 years of distinguished service to the Bureau and this nation,” Clapper concluded. Clapper’s letter came as the FBI’s Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) was scrutinizing McCabe. The Inspector General had referred his case to OPR so they could make a recommendation to the Attorney General on how to handle it. In an email sent on March 5, 2018, Candice Will—then the head of the OPR office—updated Bowdich on her team’s review of the McCabe investigation. That note includes a line that seems to hint at outside pressure to speed it up.“I sent the DAG [Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein] a short email advising that FBI OPR had received the referral from the OIG, we are actively working it, we anticipate providing a proposed action to the subject this week, we will make the file available to the subject—all in accordance with standard procedures—for him to prepare a written response,” she wrote. “In doing so, I let the Dept know that we are doing what should be done, not slow walking—we are following established procedures.”Bowdich responded by noting that the Bureau would face criticism regardless of how it handled the decision on McCabe. “Thanks Candice, as you know we will be second guessed by some every step of the way however this ends up,” he wrote. “As long as we follow the regular process we are where we should be on this issue.”It is unclear why Will felt the need to clarify to Rosenstein that her office was “not slow walking” the McCabe review. An FBI spokesperson declined to comment for this story, as did a spokesperson for McCabe. On March 19, 2018, just hours before McCabe would have been eligible to retire and receive his pension, then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced his firing. The move horrified his allies, but cheered critics of the Russia probe. And Trump’s personal lawyer at the time, John Dowd, praised the move and said Mueller’s investigation should be shut down next. The timing of McCabe’s firing—and the question of whether Trump’s allies pushed for it to be expedited—has become a major point of contention. The emails suggest there may be more to all these pieces of the McCabe story than currently known—and that civil litigation or a criminal trial could generate much more information. Read more at The Daily Beast.Got a tip? Send it to The Daily Beast hereGet our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.



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Marianne Williamson on reparations, her emails with Oprah and going viral

Marianne Williamson on reparations, her emails with Oprah and going viralSelf-help guru and bestselling author Marianne Williamson has been one of the buzziest candidates running in the Democratic presidential primary, even if she’s polling at less than 1 percent.



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Ivanka Trump and Jared Kusher to be ordered to hand over private emails and texts

Ivanka Trump and Jared Kusher to be ordered to hand over private emails and textsThe House Oversight Committee voted on Thursday to authorise a subpoena for all work-related texts and emails sent or received by White House officials on personal accounts, part of a long-running probe into whether senior administration aides have violated federal records laws by using private messaging services for official business.The 23-16 vote, divided along party lines, puts into the crosshairs President Donald Trump’s daughter Ivanka Trump and his son-in-law and senior adviser, Jared Kushner, both of whom have admitted through an attorney to using personal accounts in the course of their work.The effort is also a turnabout of sorts for House Republican efforts in 2016 to highlight Hillary Clinton’s use of personal emails for her official work as secretary of state.“The committee has obtained direct evidence that multiple high-level White House officials have been violating the Presidential Records Act by using personal email accounts, text messaging services, and even encrypted applications for official business — and not preserving those records in compliance with federal law,” Elijah Cummings, chairman of the committee, said.“What we do not yet know is why these White House officials were attempting to conceal these communications.”The broad subpoena includes all communications — even messages that contained classified material — sent or received by White House employees, including employees in the National Security Council.It specifically names Mick Mulvaney, the acting White House chief of staff.The committee first requested those messages in March 2017 under the Republican leadership of Jason Chaffetz, after reports that multiple White House officials, including Ivanka Trump, were using encrypted apps to conduct administration business.CNN reported in October that Mr Kushner had communicated with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia using WhatsApp, and a lawyer for Mr Kushner and Ivanka Trump confirmed to the committee in March that they both used private email accounts for White House business.The White House has not produced a single document in response, Mr Cummings said. The Presidential Records Act requires that nearly all communications with White House staff on official matters be preserved and that officials who use personal accounts either copy or forward an official account on all such messages.Jim Jordan, the top Republican on the panel, painted the efforts as a partisan attack on Donald Trump.“They are so desperate to get the President. They just can’t help themselves,” Mr Jordan wrote on Wednesday on Twitter.Just last month, Mr Jordan and two other Republicans called on the committee to renew its examination of Ms Clinton’s use of a private email server.Democrats on the committee slammed Republicans’ opposition to the authorisation and charged them with hypocrisy after Republicans demanded thousands of Ms Clinton’s private emails as part of the Benghazi investigation.Mr Trump made Clinton’s private email server a central line of attack in his 2016 campaign for president.“We received those documents, and I called for them to be made public,” Mr Cummings said. “Our approach today should not be different merely because Donald Trump is president.”Washington Post



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House Dems back subpoenas for Ivanka, Jared private emails

House Dems back subpoenas for Ivanka, Jared private emailsThe House Oversight Committee voted along party lines Thursday to authorize subpoenas for personal emails and texts used for official business by top White House aides, including Ivanka Trump and her husband Jared Kushner. Rep. Elijah Cummings of Maryland, the panel’s chairman, said the committee has obtained “direct evidence” that the president’s daughter, Kushner and other top aides were using personal accounts for official business in violation of federal law and White House policy. “What we do not yet know is why these White House officials were attempting to conceal these communications,” Cummings said, adding that the White House has refused to produce a single piece of paper this year in response to the investigation.



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U.S. House panel approves subpoenas for Trump officials' private emails

U.S. House panel approves subpoenas for Trump officials' private emails



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Drug bosses joked about US opioid crisis that led to lives being needlessly lost, leaked emails show

Drug bosses joked about US opioid crisis that led to lives being needlessly lost, leaked emails showAs the opioid epidemic was raging in America, in May 2008 a representative of the nation’s largest manufacturer of opioid pain pills sent an email to a client at a wholesale drug distributor in Ohio.Victor Borelli, a national account manager for Mallinckrodt, told Steve Cochrane, the vice-president of sales for KeySource Medical, to check his inventories and “[i]f you are low, order more. If you are okay, order a little more, Capesce?”Then Borelli joked, “destroy this email. . .Is that really possible? Oh Well. . .”Previously, Borelli used the phrase “ship, ship, ship” to describe his job. Those email excerpts are quoted in a 144-page plaintiffs’ filing along with thousands of pages of documents unsealed by a judge’s order Friday in a landmark case in Cleveland against many of the largest companies in the drug industry.[gallery-0] A Drug Enforcement Administration database released earlier in the week revealed that the companies had inundated the nation with 76 billion oxycodone and hydrocodone pills from 2006 to 2012.Nearly 2,000 cities, counties and towns are alleging that the companies knowingly flooded their communities with opioids, fuelling an epidemic that has killed more than 200,000 since 1996.The filing by plaintiffs depict some drug company employees as driven by profits and undeterred by the knowledge that their products were wreaking havoc across the country. The defendants’ response to the motion is due on 31 July.In January 2009, Borelli told Cochrane in another email that 1,200 bottles of oxycodone 30mg tablets had been shipped.“Keep ‘em comin’!” Cochrane responded. “Flyin’ out of there. It’s like people are addicted to these things or something. Oh, wait, people are. . .”Borelli responded: “Just like Doritos keep eating. We’ll make more.”Borelli and Cochrane did not return calls for comment on Friday night.In a statement Friday night, a spokesman for Mallinckrodt sought to distance the company from Borelli’s email: “This is an outrageously callous email from an individual who has not been employed by the company for many years. It is antithetical to everything that Mallinckrodt stands for and has done to combat opioid abuse and misuse.”The Controlled Substances Act requires drug companies to control against diversion, and to design and operate systems to identify “suspicious orders,” defined as “orders of unusual size, orders deviating substantially from a normal pattern, and orders of unusual frequency.”The companies are supposed to report such orders to America’s Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and refrain from shipping them unless they can determine the drugs are unlikely to be diverted to the black market. The plaintiffs, in the filing, allege that the companies ignored red flags and failed at every level.At Cardinal Health, one of the nation’s largest drug distributors, then-CEO Kerry Clark in January 2008 wrote in an email to Cardinal senior officials that the company’s “results-oriented culture” was perhaps “leading to ill-advised or shortsighted decisions,” the filing contends.In the previous 18 months, Cardinal had been hit with nearly $ 1 billion in “fines, settlements, and lost business as a result of multiple regulatory actions,” the filing alleges, including the suspension of licenses at some of its distribution centres for failing to maintain effective controls against opioid diversion.Cardinal Health did not immediately return a request for comment on Friday night.On Aug. 31, 2011, McKesson Corp.’s then-director of regulatory affairs, David B. Gustin, told his colleagues he was concerned about the “number of accounts we have that have large gaps between the amount of Oxy or Hydro they are allowed to buy (their threshold) and the amount they really need,” according to the filing, which cites Gustin’s statements.“This increases the ‘opportunity’ for diversion by exposing more product for introduction into the pipeline than may be being used for legitimate purposes.”According to the filing, he had earlier noted to his colleagues that they “need to get out visiting more customers and away from our laptops or the company is going to end up paying the price… big time.”Another McKesson regulatory affairs director responded: “I am overwhelmed. I feel that I am going down a river without a paddle and fighting the rapids. Sooner or later, hopefully later I feel we will be burned by a customer that did not get enough due diligence,” according to the filing.McKesson is the largest drug distributor in the United States. It distributed 14.1 billion oxycodone and hydrocodone pills from 2006 to 2012, about 18% of the market, according to the DEA database.McKesson said that the DEA was responsible for setting the annual production quota of pills.“For decades, McKesson has consistently reported opioid transactions to the DEA,” McKesson spokeswoman Kristin Chasen said in a statement. “We have also invested heavily in further strengthening our anti-diversion program.”Until Friday, the documents had been sealed under a protective order issued by U.S. District Judge Dan Polster. The order was lifted a year after The Washington Post and HD Media, which publishes the Charleston Gazette-Mail in West Virginia, filed a lawsuit for access to the documents and a DEA database tracking opioid sales, known as the Automation of Reports and Consolidated Orders System, or ARCOS.The drug companies and the DEA strenuously opposed the release of the data and the documents, and Polster agreed with them. But a three-judge panel of the US Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit in Ohio ordered that some of the information should be released with reasonable redactions and the database should be made public.By consolidating cases from around the nation, the Cleveland case, for the first time, provides specific information about how and in what quantity the drugs flowed around the country, from manufacturers and distributors to pharmacies. The case also brings to light internal documents and deliberations by the companies as they sought to promote their products and contend with enforcement efforts by the DEA.The local and state government plaintiffs in the case argue that the actions of some of America’s biggest and best-known companies – including Mallinckrodt, Cardinal Health, McKesson, Walgreens, CVS, Walmart and Purdue Pharma – amounted to a civil racketeering enterprise that had a devastating effect on the plaintiffs’ communities.The case is a civil action under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organisations (RICO) Act, making use of a law originally developed to attack organised crime.In statements on Tuesday in response to the release of the DEA database, the drug companies issued broad defences of their actions during the opioid epidemic. They have said previously that they were trying to sell legal painkillers to legitimate pain patients who had prescriptions.They have blamed the epidemic on overprescribing by physicians and also on corrupt doctors and pharmacists who worked in “pill mills” that handed out drugs with few questions asked. The companies also said they should not be held responsible for the actions of people who abused the drugs.The companies said that they were diligent about reporting their sales to the DEA and that the agency should have worked with them to do more to fight the epidemic, a point former DEA agents dispute. The companies also note that the DEA set the quotas for opioid production.“We report those suspicious orders to state boards of pharmacy and to the DEA but we do not know what those government entities do with those reports, if anything,” Cardinal Health said in a statement.The companies issued statements rejecting the plaintiffs’ allegations.McKesson said in its statement: “The allegations made by the plaintiffs are just that – allegations. They are unproven, untrue and greatly oversimplify the evolution of this health crisis as well as the roles and responsibilities of the many players in the pharmaceutical supply chain.”Mallinckrodt said the company “has for years been at the forefront of preventing prescription drug diversion and abuse, and has invested millions of dollars in a multipronged program to address opioid abuse.”One of the biggest points of contention in the lawsuit is whether the nation’s largest drug companies did enough to identify suspicious orders of opioids. What exactly constitutes a suspicious order is at the heart of the case.The DEA has long said there should be no confusion because the agency has given frequent guidance and briefings to the industry, and repeatedly defined what constitutes a suspicious order.The plaintiffs argue that the companies failed to “design serious suspicious order monitoring systems that would identify suspicious orders to the DEA” and shipped the drugs anyway.“Their failure to identify suspicious orders was their business model: they turned a blind eye and called themselves mere ‘deliverymen’ with no responsibility for what they delivered or to whom,” according to the plaintiffs’ filing.Between 1996 and 2018, the plaintiffs alleged in the filing, drug companies shipped hundreds of millions of opioid pills into Summit and Cuyahoga counties in Ohio, filling orders that were suspicious and “should never have been shipped”.“They made no effort actually to identify suspicious orders, failed to flag orders that, under any reasonable algorithm, represented between one-quarter and 90% of their business, and kept the flow of drugs coming into Summit and Cuyahoga Counties,” the plaintiffs’ lawyers wrote.In 2007, the DEA told Mallinckrodt that the numeric formula it used to monitor suspicious orders was insufficient, the filing contended. It alleges the company’s suspicious order monitoring program from 2008 through 2009 consisted of solely verifying that the customer had a valid DEA registration and that the order was accurately logged into the DEA’s tracking database.From 2003 to 2011, Mallinckrodt shipped a total of 53 million orders, flagged 37,817 as suspicious but stopped only 33 orders, the plaintiffs’ filing states.A Mallinckrodt employee said in a deposition that the DEA had described the company as the “kingpin within the drug cartel” in a meeting with the agency in July 2010, according to a footnote in the filing.In 2011, the filing cites a Justice Department document in which the DEA alleged that Mallinckrodt “sold excessive amounts of the most highly abused forms of oxycodone, 30 mg and 15 mg tablets, placing them into a stream of commerce that would result in diversion.”According to the DEA, the filing states, “even though Mallinckrodt knew of the pattern of excessive sales of its oxycodone feeding massive diversion, it continued to incentivize and supply these suspicious sales,” and never notified the DEA of the suspicious orders.In a settlement with the DEA, Mallinckrodt agreed that from Jan. 1, 2008, through Jan. 1, 2012, “certain aspects of Mallinckrodt’s system to monitor and detect suspicious orders did not meet the standards” outlined in letters from the DEA deputy administrator for diversion control.Mallinckrodt was the nation’s leading manufacturer of oxycodone and hydrocodone, with 28.8 billion pills from 2006 to 2012, 37.7% of the market, according to the DEA database. It has since created a subsidiary for its generic opioids called SpecGx.In 2017 federal prosecutors said 500 million of the company’s 30 mg oxycodone pills wound up in Florida between 2008 and 2012 – 66% of all oxycodone sold in the state. Pills at that dosage are among the most widely abused.Prosecutors said the company failed to report suspicious orders, and Mallinckrodt that year settled the case by paying a $ 35m fine.“Mallinckrodt’s actions and omissions formed a link in the chain of supply that resulted in millions of oxycodone pills being sold on the street,” then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions said at the time.Walgreens used a formula to identify thousands of pharmacy orders as suspicious but shipped them anyway, the filing alleges. The orders were reported to the DEA after they had been shipped, according to agency documents quoted in the filing.“Suspicious orders are to be reported as discovered, not in a collection of monthly completed transactions,” the DEA wrote in an immediate suspension order issued against Walgreens in 2012. “Notwithstanding the ample guidance available, Walgreens has failed to maintain an adequate suspicious order reporting system and as a result, has ignored readily identifiable orders and ordering patterns that, based on the information available throughout the Walgreens Corporation, should have been obvious signs of diversion.”In one case, Walgreens’s suspicious order report to the DEA was 1,712 pages long and contained six months’ worth of orders, including reports on 836 pharmacies in more than a dozen states and Puerto Rico, the filing alleges.The filing also alleges that Walgreens stores could “place ad hoc ‘PDQ’ (”pretty darn quick”) orders to controlled substances outside of their normal order days and outside of the [suspicious order monitoring] analysis and limits.”Peviously, Kristine Atwell, who managed distribution of controlled substances for the company’s warehouse in Jupiter, Florida, sent an email on Jan 10, 2011, to corporate headquarters urging that some of the stores be required to justify their large quantity of orders.“I ran a query to see how many bottles we have sent to store 3836 and we have shipped them 3271 bottles between 12/1/10 and 1/10/11,” Atwell wrote. “I don’t know how they can even house this many bottle[s] to be honest. How do we go about checking the validity of these orders?”A bottle sent by a wholesaler generally contains 100 pills.Walgreens never checked, the DEA said. Between April 2010 and February 2012, the Jupiter distribution centre sent 13.7 million oxycodone doses to six Florida stores, records show, many times the norm, the DEA said.Walgreens ranked second among distributors in the nation, with 13 billion pills and 16.5% of the market for oxycodone and hydrocodone from 2006 through 2012, the DEA database shows. It stopped distributing opioids to its stores in 2014, but continues to dispense controlled substances.As part of a settlement with the DEA in June 2013, Walgreens said that its “suspicious order reporting for distribution to certain pharmacies did not meet the standards identified by DEA.” The company paid an $ 80 million fine to the government.In a statement earlier in the week, Walgreens defended its operations, saying, “Walgreens has been an industry leader in combating this crisis in the communities where our pharmacists live and work.”The Washington Post



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Mueller Report Showed Donald Trump Was Fixated on Finding Hillary Clinton's Emails

Mueller Report Showed Donald Trump Was Fixated on Finding Hillary Clinton's EmailsMueller’s report showed Trump associates working to disseminate hacked material



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Emails show how fake university set up by ICE lured foreign students

Emails show how fake university set up by ICE lured foreign studentsEmails obtained by the Detroit Free Press offer a glimpse into how a fake university in Detroit may have convinced students it was real.



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Mueller Reveals ‘Senior’ Trump Campaign Push for Stolen Emails

Mueller Reveals ‘Senior’ Trump Campaign Push for Stolen EmailsTrump isn’t addressed directly in the 24-page indictment of his longtime political ally, but the detailed account of the interaction of his campaign and allies with WikiLeaks raises new questions about whether Trump or his family played a direct role in trying to communicate with the secretive foreign group that has been linked to Russia. The key passage in the indictment relates to a set of DNC emails released on July 22, 2016.



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